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Du Paty even tried to suggest suicide by placing a revolver in front of Dreyfus, but he refused to take his life, saying he "wanted to live to establish his innocence".

The hopes of the military were crushed. Nevertheless Du Paty de Clam still arrested the captain, [47] accused him of conspiring with the enemy, and told him that he would be brought before a court-martial.

Dreyfus was imprisoned at the Cherche-Midi prison in Paris. Dreyfus was informed of the arrest the same day by a police raid to search their apartment.

She was terrorized by Du Paty, who ordered her to keep the arrest of her husband secret and even said, "One word, one single word and it will be a European war!

The captain was morally supported by the first Dreyfusard, Major Forzinetti, commandant of the military prisons of Paris. This marked the beginning of a very brutal press campaign until the trial.

This event put the affair in the field of antisemitism where it remained until its conclusion. He became the architect of the arduous fight for the liberation of his brother.

On 3 November General Saussier the Military governor of Paris reluctantly [54] gave the order for an enquiry. He had the power to stop the process but did not, perhaps because of an exaggerated confidence in military justice.

On 4 December Dreyfus was referred to the first Military Court with the empty file. The secrecy was lifted and Demange could access the file for the first time.

During the two months before the trial, the press went wild. The jousting of the columnists took place within a broader debate about the issue of a closed court.

For Ranc and Cassagnac, who represented the majority of the press, the closed court was a low manoeuvre to enable the acquittal of Dreyfus, "because the minister is a coward".

The proof was "that he grovels before the Prussians" by agreeing to publish the denials of the German ambassador in Paris.

The closed court allowed the military to still not disclose the emptiness of their evidence to the public and to stifle debate. Detailed discussions on the bordereau showed that Captain Dreyfus could not be the author.

Finally, the absence of motive for the crime was a serious thorn in the prosecution case. Dreyfus was indeed a very patriotic officer highly rated by his superiors, very rich and with no tangible reason to betray France.

Alphonse Bertillon , who was not an expert in handwriting, was presented as a scholar of the first importance. He advanced the theory of "autoforgery" during the trial and accused Dreyfus of imitating his own handwriting, explaining the differences in writing by using extracts of writing from his brother Matthieu and his wife Lucie.

This theory, although later regarded as bizarre and astonishing, seems to have had some effect on the judges.

He swore on oath that the traitor was Dreyfus, pointing to the crucifix hanging on the wall of the court. The problem had an undeniable effect on the court, which was composed of seven officers who were both judges and jury.

The outcome of the trial remained uncertain. The conviction of the judges had been shaken by the firm and logical answers of the accused.

Military witnesses at the trial alerted high command about the risk of acquittal. For this eventuality the Statistics Section had prepared a file containing, in principle, four "absolute" proofs of the guilt of Captain Dreyfus accompanied by an explanatory note.

The contents of this secret file remained uncertain until , when they were released by the French Ministry of Defence.

Among these letters were some of an erotic homosexual nature the Davignon letter among others raising the question of the tainted methods of the Statistics Section and the objective of their choice of documents.

The letter was supposed to accuse Dreyfus definitively since, according to his accusers, it was signed with the initial of his name.

He contradicted himself, however, by saying that he read only one document, "which was enough". On 22 December , after several hours of deliberation, the verdict was reached.

Seven judges unanimously convicted Alfred Dreyfus of collusion with a foreign power, to the maximum penalty under section 76 of the Criminal Code: Dreyfus was not sentenced to death , as it had been abolished for political crimes since For the authorities, the press and the public, doubts had been dispelled by the trial and his guilt was certain.

Right and left regretted the abolition of the death penalty for such a crime. Antisemitism peaked in the press and occurred in areas so far spared.

So why leave this miserable traitor alive? While the drums rolled, Dreyfus was accompanied by four artillery officers, who brought him before an officer of the state who read the judgment.

A Republican Guard adjutant tore off his badges, thin strips of gold, his stripes, cuffs and sleeves of his jacket. Witnesses report the dignity of Dreyfus, who continued to maintain his innocence while raising his arms: Long live the Army".

The Adjutant broke his sword on his knee and then the condemned Dreyfus marched at a slow pace in front of his former companions.

In the van that brought him to the military school, Dreyfus is said to have confided his treachery to Captain Lebrun-Renault.

He had the right to see his wife twice a week in a long room, each of them at one end, with the director of the prison in the middle. On 21 February , he embarked on the ship Ville de Saint-Nazaire.

The next day the ship sailed for French Guiana. Dreyfus was allowed to write on paper numbered and signed. He underwent censorship by the commandant even when he received mail from his wife Lucie, whereby they encouraged each other.

On 6 September , the conditions of life for Dreyfus worsened again; he was chained double looped , forcing him to stay in bed motionless with his ankles shackled.

This measure was the result of false information of his escape revealed by a British newspaper. For two long months, Dreyfus was plunged into deep despair, convinced that his life would end on this remote island.

Mathieu Dreyfus , the elder brother of Alfred, was convinced of his innocence. He was the chief architect of the rehabilitation of his brother and spent his time, energy and fortune to gather an increasingly powerful movement for a retrial in December , despite the difficulties of the task: After the degradation emptiness was around us.

It seemed to us that we were no longer human beings like others, we were cut off from the world of the living… [95].

Mathieu tried all paths, even the most fantastic. Gibert in a private conversation. Little by little, despite threats of arrest for complicity, machinations and entrapment by the military, he managed to convince various moderates.

In Lazare published the first Dreyfusard booklet in Brussels. The campaign for the review, relayed little by little into the leftist anti-military press, triggered a return of a violent yet vague antisemitism.

At the request of his superiors, General Boisdeffre , Chief of the General Staff and Major-General Gonse , he was charged with the task of growing the file to prevent any attempt at a review.

Unable to find any evidence, he decided to build some after the fact. In March Picquart, who had followed the Dreyfus Affair from the outset, now required to receive the documents stolen from the German Embassy directly without any intermediary.

On seeing letters from Esterhazy, Picquart realized with amazement that his writing was exactly the same as that on the "bordereau", which had been used to incriminate Dreyfus.

He procured the "secret file" given to the judges in and was astonished by the lack of evidence against Dreyfus, and became convinced of his innocence.

Moved by his discovery, Picquart diligently conducted an enquiry in secret without the consent of his superiors. Ferdinand Walsin Esterhazy was a former member of French counterespionage where he had served after the war of After this, everything was done to oust him from his position, with the help of his own deputy, Major Henry.

For Mercier, then Zurlinden and the General Staff, what was done was done and should never be returned to. The nationalist press launched a violent campaign against the burgeoning Dreyfusards.

In counter-attack, the General Staff discovered and revealed the information hitherto ignored in the "secret file". An investigation was started against him, he was monitored when he was in the east, then transferred to Tunisia "in the interest of the service".

At this moment Major Henry chose to take action. On 1 November , he created a false document, subsequently called the "faux Henry" [Henry forgery], [Note 20] keeping the header and signature [Note 21] of an ordinary letter from Panizzardi, and wrote the central text himself:.

I read that a deputy will call on Dreyfus. If you ask further explanations from Rome, I would say that I never had relations with the Jew.

If asked, speak like that, because that person should never know what happened with him. This was a rather crude forgery. Generals Gonse and Boisdeffre, however, without asking questions, brought the letter to their minister, General Billot.

The doubts of the General Staff regarding the innocence of Dreyfus flew out the window. Major Henry accused Picquart of embezzlement and sent him a letter full of innuendo.

Picquart confided in his friend, lawyer Louis Leblois, who promised secrecy. Leblois, however, spoke to the vice president of the Senate, the Alsatian Auguste Scheurer-Kestner , who was in turn infected by doubts.

Without citing Picquart, the senator revealed the affair to the highest people in the country. The General Staff, however, still suspected Picquart of causing leaks.

This was the beginning of the Picquart affair, a new conspiracy by the General Staff against an officer. Major Henry, although deputy to Picquart, was jealous and fostered his own malicious operation to compromise his superior.

Parallel to the investigations of Picquart, the defenders of Dreyfus were informed in November that the identity of the writer of the "bordereau" was Esterhazy.

Mathieu Dreyfus had a reproduction of the bordereau published by Le Figaro. A banker, Castro, formally identified the writing as that of Esterhazy, who was his debtor, and told Mathieu.

On 11 November , the two paths of investigation met during a meeting between Scheurer-Kestner and Mathieu Dreyfus.

The latter finally received confirmation that Esterhazy was the author of the note. Based on this, on 15 November Mathieu Dreyfus made a complaint to the minister of war against Esterhazy.

At the end of , Picquart returned to Paris and made public his doubts about the guilt of Dreyfus because of his discoveries.

Collusion to eliminate Picquart seemed to have failed. To discredit Picquart, Esterhazy sent, without effect, letters of complaint to the president of the republic.

Scheurer-Kestner in Le Figaro , which was the first article in a series of three. The Dreyfus Affair occupied more and more discussions, something the political world did not always recognize.

There is not now and there can be no Dreyfus affair. General Georges-Gabriel de Pellieux was responsible for conducting an investigation.

The real culprit, they said, was Lieutenant-Colonel Picquart. The militarist press rushed to the rescue of Esterhazy with an unprecedented antisemitic campaign.

The Dreyfusard press replied with strong new evidence in its possession. The law must stop sucking up to this ineffectual Prussian disguised as a French officer.

Who trembles before Esterhazy? What occult power, why shamefully oppose the action of justice? What stands in the way?

Why is Esterhazy, a character of depravity and more than doubtful morals, protected while the accused is not? Why is an honest soldier such as Lieutenant-Colonel Picquart discredited, overwhelmed, dishonoured?

If this is the case we must speak out! Although protected by the General Staff and therefore by the government, Esterhazy was obliged to admit authorship of the Francophobe letters published by Le Figaro.

This convinced the Office of the General Staff to find a way to stop the questions, doubts, and the beginnings of demands for justice. The idea was to require Esterhazy to demand a trial and be acquitted, to stop the noise and allow a return to order.

Thus, to finally exonerate him, according to the old rule Res judicata pro veritate habetur , [Note 25] Esterhazy was set to appear before a military court on 10 January A "delayed" closed court [Note 26] trial was pronounced.

Esterhazy was notified of the matter on the following day, along with guidance on the defensive line to take. The trial was not normal: Pellieux intervened to defend the General Staff without legal substance.

By error an innocent person was convicted, but on order the guilty party was acquitted. For many moderate Republicans it was an intolerable infringement of the fundamental values they defended.

The acquittal of Esterhazy therefore brought about a change of strategy for the Dreyfusards. Liberalism-friendly Scheurer-Kestner and Reinach , took more combative and rebellious action.

Flush with victory, the General Staff arrested Picquart on charges of violation of professional secrecy following the disclosure of his investigation through his lawyer, who revealed it to Senator Scheurer-Kestner.

When Mathieu thanked him, he replied curtly that he was "doing his duty". To avoid personal risk he went into exile in England, where he lived comfortably and ended his days in the s.

The first great Dreyfusard intellectual , Zola was at the height of his glory: He was a leader in the literary world and was fully conscious of it.

It can be served by the sword or by the pen. General Pellieux has probably won great victories! I have won mine, too.

By my work the French language has been brought into the world. I have my victories! Outraged by the acquittal of Esterhazy, Zola decided to strike a blow.

With a typical circulation of 30,, the newspaper distributed nearly , copies that day. This article had the effect of an explosion.

The article was a direct attack, explicit and clear, and named names. It denounced all those who had conspired against Dreyfus, including the minister of war and the General Staff.

The article contained numerous errors, exaggerating or minimizing the roles of one or another of the figures involved. His trial forced a new public review of both the Dreyfus and Esterhazy affairs.

Here he went against the strategy of Scheurer-Kestner and Lazare, who advocated patience and reflection. From that critical moment the case followed two parallel paths.

On one hand, the state used its apparatus to impose a limitation on the trial, restricting it to one of simple libel so as to separate the Dreyfus and Esterhazy cases, which had already been adjudicated.

On the other hand, conflicting camps of opinion tried to influence judges and the government—one side pushed to obtain a review and the other to convict Zola.

But Zola achieved his aim: On 15 January Le Temps published a petition calling for a retrial. On 20 January , after an anti-Zola speech by rightist politician Albert de Mun at the Chamber of Deputies , the chamber voted —22 to prosecute Zola.

On 1 February Barres lambasted the intellectuals in Le Journal. The taxpayer is at risk in the first case, while only the plaintiff is at risk in the second.

He accused Zola of having written that the court martial had committed "unlawful acts [ The details of the Dreyfus Affair, unknown to most of the public, were published in the press.

Several papers [Note 31] published shorthand notes verbatim of the debates every day to build support in the population.

These notes were, for the Dreyfusards, an essential tool for later debates. The nationalists, behind Henri Rochefort , however, were more visible and organized riots, which forced the prefect of police to intervene to protect Zola whenever he left the facility [] after every hearing.

This trial was also the scene of a real legal battle in which the rights of the defence were constantly violated. Evidently the court received instructions not to raise the subject of former judicial errors.

President Delegorgue, on the pretext of the long duration of the hearings, juggled the law incessantly to ensure that the trial dealt only with the alleged defamation by Zola.

Zola was sentenced to one year in prison and a fine of 3, francs, [Note 32] which was the maximum penalty. This harshness was due to the atmosphere of violence surrounding the trial.

In addition, the violent attacks against Zola and the injustice of the conviction of Dreyfus reinforced the commitment of the Dreyfusards.

I declare that Justice is the most beautiful word in the language of men and I must cry if men no longer understand it". Even more than the Dreyfus Affair the Zola affair resulted in a regrouping of intellectual forces into two opposing camps.

On 2 April an application to the Supreme Court received a favourable response. The military court made the complaint, rather than the minister.

Prosecutor-General Manau supported a review of the Dreyfus trial and strongly opposed the anti-Semites. The judges of the military court, whom Zola had challenged, sued him for libel.

The case was brought before the Assizes of Seine-et-Oise in Versailles where the public was considered more favourable to the army and more nationalistic.

On 23 May , at the first hearing, Mr. Labori appealed to the Supreme Court regarding the change of jurisdiction, which adjourned the trial and postponed the hearing to 18 July Labori advised Zola to leave France for England before the end of the trial, which the writer did, departing for a one-year exile in England.

The defendants were convicted again. As for Colonel Picquart, he found himself again in prison. Anti-Semitism made considerable progress and riots were common throughout the year However politicians were still in denial about the affair.

Nevertheless the cause of the Dreyfusards was restarted. Godefroy Cavaignac , the new minister of war and a fierce supporter of anti-revisionism, definitely wanted to prove the guilt of Dreyfus and from there "wring the neck" of Esterhazy, whom he considered "a pathological liar and blackmailer".

He was surprised to learn that all the documents on which the prosecution was based had not been expertly appraised and that Boisdeffre had "absolute confidence" in Henry.

Cavaignac decided to investigate—in his office, with his assistants—and retrieved the secret file, which now contained items. The secret information had been provided by Zola, who had received it from Oscar Wilde ; Wilde had gained it from best friend Carlos Blacker, who was an intimate friend of Alexandro Panizzardi.

On 7 July during a questioning in the House, Cavaignac reported three items "overwhelming among a thousand", two of which had no connection with the case.

The other was the "faux Henry". The application for annulment made by Lucie Dreyfus became admissible. The next day, Picquart declared in Le Temps to the council president, "I am in a position to establish before a court of competent jurisdiction that the two documents bearing the date of could not be attributed to Dreyfus and that the one that bears the date of had all the characteristics of a fake," which earned him eleven months in prison.

On the evening of 13 August , Cuignet, who was attached to the cabinet of Cavaignac, was working by the light of a lamp and observed that the colour of the lines on the "faux Henry" paper header and footer did not correspond with the central part of the document.

Cavaignac was still trying to find logical reasons for the guilt and conviction of Dreyfus [] but was not silent on this discovery.

Collusion between the General Staff and the traitor was revealed. On 30 August Cavaignac resigned himself to demanding explanations from Colonel Henry in the presence of Boisdeffre and Gonse.

After an hour of questioning by the minister himself, Henry broke down and made a full confession. The request for review filed by Lucie Dreyfus could not be rejected.

Yet Cavaignac said "less than ever! Despite his apparently entirely involuntary role in the revision of the trial, Brisson remained convinced that Dreyfus was guilty and made a statement disparaging and offensive to Dreyfus at the Rennes trial.

The anti-revisionists did not consider themselves beaten. On 6 September Charles Maurras published a eulogy of Henry in La Gazette de France in which he called him a "heroic servant of the great interests of the State".

In December the same newspaper launched a subscription, in favour of his widow, to erect a monument to Henry.

Each gift was accompanied by pithy, often abusive, remarks on Dreyfus and the Dreyfusards. Some 14, subscribers, [] including 53 MPs, sent , francs.

The government transferred the case to the Supreme Court for its opinion on the past four years of proceedings. France was really divided into two, but no more generalization is possible: Henry was dead, Boisdeffre had resigned, Gonse had no more authority, and du Paty had been severely compromised by Esterhazy: Cavaignac, having resigned for continuing to spread his anti-Dreyfusard vision of the Affair, arose as an anti-revisionist leader.

General Zurlinden who succeeded him and was influenced by the General Staff, delivered a negative opinion at the review on 10 September comforting the extremist press by saying that, "a review means war".

The obstinacy of the Government, who voted to revert to the Supreme Court on 26 September , led to the resignation of Zurlinden who was soon replaced by General Chanoine.

Ministerial instability caused some governmental instability. In he had covered the actions of General Mercier at the beginning of the Dreyfus Affair, [] and four years later he announced that he would follow the judgment of the Supreme Court, [] thus blocking the road for those who wanted to stifle the review and divest the Court.

On 5 December in the shadow of a debate in the House on the transmission of the "secret file" to the Supreme Court the tension rose another notch.

Insults, invective, and other nationalistic violence gave way to threats of an uprising. A new crisis arose at the same time in the heart of the Supreme Court, since Quesnay de Beaurepaire, President of the Civil Chamber, accused the Criminal Chamber of Dreyfusism in the press.

He resigned on 8 January as a hero of the nationalist cause. This crisis led to the divestiture of the Criminal Division in favour of joint chambers.

This was the point of blockage for the review. In the affair took up more and more of the political scene. It was a failure as it was not supported by the military.

On 4 June Loubet was assaulted at the Longchamp Racecourse. These provocations plus permanent demonstrations from the extreme right, although it never actually put the Republic in danger, created a burst of Republicanism leading to the formation of a "government of republican defence" around Waldeck-Rousseau on 22 June The Dreyfus affair led to a clear reorganization of the French political landscape.

The Supreme Court considered the affair in the context of press campaigns against the Criminal Division , the magistrates being constantly dragged through the mud in nationalist newspapers from the Panama scandals.

On 29 October , after the submission of the report from the recorder Alphonse Bard, the Criminal Chamber of the Court stated that "the application is admissible and will proceed with a supplementary investigation".

The recorder Louis Loew presided. He was subjected to a very violent campaign of antisemitic insults due to his being an Alsatian Protestant accused of being a deserter and tainted by the Prussians.

Despite the compliant silence of Mercier, Billot, Zurlinden, and Roget, who hid behind the authority of "already judged" and "state secret", understanding of the affair increased.

Cavaignac made a statement two days long, but failed to prove the guilt of Dreyfus. On the contrary, he unwittingly exonerated him by a demonstration of the exact date of the bordereau August Picquart then demonstrated all the workings of the error, then the conspiracy.

On 9 February , the Criminal Division submitted its report by highlighting two important facts: These two major events alone destroyed all proceedings against Alfred Dreyfus.

In parallel, President Mazeau conducted an inquiry by the Criminal Division, which led to divestiture thereof "to not only leave it to bear alone all responsibility for the final decision," so protecting the Criminal Division from actions arising from its report.

On 28 February , Waldeck-Rousseau spoke to the Senate on the floor and denounced "moral conspiracy" within the government and in the street.

The review was no longer avoidable. He took on the legal files and decided on a further investigation. Ten additional witnesses were interviewed, which further weakened the version of the General Staff.

The prosecutor Manau echoed the views of the President. Mornard who represented Lucie Dreyfus argued without any difficulty or opposition from the prosecution.

On 3 June , the joint chambers of the Supreme Court overturned the judgment of in a formal hearing. By that judgment, the Supreme Court imposed itself as an absolute authority capable of standing up to military and political power.

The court, in overturning the judgement, believed in the legal autonomy of the military court without taking into account the laws of esprit de corps.

Alfred Dreyfus was in no way aware of what was happening thousands of kilometres from him. Neither was he aware of the schemes hatched that he could never return, or the commitment of countless men and women to his cause.

The prison administration filtered information deemed confidential. At the end of , he learned with astonishment the actual size of the affair, about which he knew nothing: He disembarked on 30 June in Port Haliguen on the Quiberon peninsula in the greatest secrecy, "a clandestine and nocturnal return".

He was remanded on 7 August before the military court of the Breton capital. General Mercier, champion of the anti-Dreyfusards, intervened constantly in the press to confirm the accuracy of the first judgement: Dreyfus was surely guilty.

Immediately, however, dissent emerged in the defence of Dreyfus. His two lawyers actually had opposing strategies. Demange wanted to stand on the defensive and just get the acquittal of Dreyfus.

Labori, a brilliant lawyer who was just 35 years old, wanted to take the offensive, to aim higher and defeat and publicly humiliate the General Staff.

Mathieu Dreyfus imagined a complementarity between the two lawyers. The conduct of the trial revealed the disunity that served the prosecution with a defence so impaired.

The trial opened on 7 August in an atmosphere of extreme tension. Rennes was in a state of siege. He and du Paty were both excused.

On the appearance of Dreyfus, emotions ran high. His physical appearance disturbed his supporters and some of his opponents.

They stubbornly considered null and void the confessions of Henry and Esterhazy. The trial even tended to go out of control to the extent that the decisions of the Supreme Court were not taken into account.

They discussed in particular the bordereau, which was the proof of guilt of Esterhazy. Nevertheless Mercier was booed at the end of the hearing.

The nationalist press and the anti-Dreyfusards could only speculate on his silence about the "conclusive evidence" the pseudo-note annotated by the Kaiser, which nobody will ever see in evidence that he had not ceased to report before the trial.

On 14 August Labori was on his way to court when he was shot in the back by an extremist who escaped and was never found.

The lawyer was missing from discussions for over a week at the decisive moment of the examination of witnesses. On 22 August his condition had improved and he returned.

Incidents between the two lawyers for Dreyfus multiplied. Labori reproached Demange about his excessive caution.

The Government, in the face of the military hardening stance, still had two ways to influence events: The German Embassy sent a polite refusal to the government.

He asked him to act in the spirit of the revised judgment of the Supreme Court. The officer pretended not to understand the allusion and helped the nationalist lawyer Auffray to make the indictment against Dreyfus.

The defence needed to make a decision because the outcome of the case looked bad, despite evidence of the absence of charges against the accused.

They decided to risk conciliation in exchange for the acquittal that seemed to be promised by the government. Demange, alone and without illusions, continued the defence of Dreyfus in an atmosphere of civil war.

In Paris the anti-Semitic and nationalist agitators of Auteuil were arrested. On 9 September the court rendered its verdict: Contrary to appearances, this verdict was on the verge of acquittal by one vote.

The Code of Military Justice adopted the principle that a minority vote of three against four was an acquittal. The day after the verdict, Alfred Dreyfus, after much hesitation, filed an appeal for a retrial.

Waldeck-Rousseau, in a difficult position, tackled for the first time the possibility of a pardon. Dreyfus had to accept guilt.

Exhausted, having been away from his family for too long, he accepted. The decree was signed on 19 September and he was released on 21 September Many Dreyfusards were frustrated by this final act.

Public opinion welcomed this conclusion indifferently. France wanted civil peace and harmony on the eve of the Universal Exhibition of and before the big fight that the Republic was about to take for freedom of association and secularism.

It was in this spirit that on 17 November Waldeck-Rousseau filed an amnesty law covering "all criminal acts or misdemeanours related to the Dreyfus affair or that have been included in a prosecution for one of these acts" excluding only Alfred Dreyfus himself who was instead pardoned to be able to still seek acquittal.

Many Dreyfusards protested as this indemnified not only Zola and Picquart against further punishment but also protected the real culprits.

Despite these massive protests the bill was passed. Reactions in France were strong, consisting of "shock and sadness" in the revisionist camp.

The Republicans sought above all social peace and to turn the page on this extremely long and controversial affair. Also there were very few demonstrations in the provinces while agitation persisted somewhat in Paris.

Two of the seven judges voted for acquittal. This was also clearly seen. In an apostrophe for the army, Galliffet announced: Anti-French demonstrations took place in twenty foreign capitals and the press was outraged.

Norwegian composer Edvard Grieg cancelled his concerts in France in protest. The English judge, who went as an observer to Rennes, criticised the weaknesses of the Military Court:.

The Military judges were not familiar with the law or criminal proceedings. They lacked the experience and skill that can see the evidence behind the evidence.

They were drowning in prejudice and they acted according to what they saw as the honour of the army. Impressed, full of respect for their superiors, they accorded too much importance to fragile allegations that were only made against the accused.

Dreyfus would now be a free man. In Germany and Italy , the two countries widely challenged by lawsuits against Dreyfus, there was relief.

Even if the Emperor of Germany regretted that the innocence of Dreyfus was not recognized the normalization of future Franco-German relations was seen as a welcome relaxation.

It concerns an engaged woman who wants experience of life as she delicately puts it,before she gets married. So she decides to have a fling with her favourite writer,George Curzon.

His wife decides to play along with the game. However in the middle of this,the antics of Harry Tate. Now this may be tiresome for fans of Lupino but it is a great bonus for fans of the English music hall.

One would guess that when the film was shown there were a lot more fans of Tate than Lupino. It is difficult to believe that in no more than 10 years Lupino would become one of the biggest stars in Hollywood.

Her famous mannerisms have not yet arrived. So a real curiosity of a film. Plus, we hear why more than one celeb wants to be snowed in with Idris Elba.

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Keep track of everything you watch; tell your friends. Full Cast and Crew. Allan Dwan as Alan Dwan. You Must Remember This.

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Photos Add Image Add an image Do you have any images for this title? Learn more More Like This. I Lived with You Search for Beauty The Ghost Camera Money for Speed Ready for Love

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KG Customer Support Abt. Wenn auch Du deine Erfahrungen teilen willst, hast du hier die Chance dazu: Schau Dich bei unseren Testsiegern um: Um Geschenke zu versenden oder die eigenen Nachrichten besonders hervorheben zu lassen, muss man so genannte "Credits" Währung des Portals investieren, die leider relativ teuer sind. Na gut, nächster Versuch. Einige Portale werben damit, dass sie dauerhaft kostenfrei genutzt werden können. Unbegrenzte Kontakte Videochat Telefonkonferenz. Aber im Büro macht sowas natürlich keiner…. Immerhin kommt er gleich auf den Punkt. Die Nachricht ist unsicher formuliert.

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